Organisations&Behaviour Assignment Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 4500 words

Organisations&Behaviour - Assignment Example In other words, it can be describes as the network of relationships and roles existing across the organization. Three different types of organizational structure include tall organizational structure, flat organizational structure and centralized organizational structure. Tall organizational structure is defined as the one which comprises of many levels of hierarchy with each manger responsible for controlling a small group of people. Flat organizational structure is defined as an organizational structure which is characterized by very little or no level of middle management between the executives and the staff members. Centralized organizational structure is defined as the structure in which all the decision-making process is controlled by an individual or a few top managers in which the decisions are communicated to the lower level of employees who are expected to accept the orders and act accordingly. Organizational cultures are defined as the deeply rooted values and beliefs that are shared by the employees within an organization. It is also defined as the shared values and beliefs that distinguish the employees of one organization from the other. It also refers to the basic pattern of beliefs developed by a group of employees while dealing with problems of external adaptation and internal integration in an organization. The different types of organizational culture comprises of the power, task and role organizational culture. Power culture is defined as the organizational culture which is based on the inequality of access to resources. This type of culture emphasises on the respect of the authority, rationality of the procedures and division of work. Role culture is mainly focused on job description and specialization in the field of work. Task culture is defined as the organizational culture which is based on the mutual trust between the employees and the organization. McDonald’s is recently trying to adopt a

Article question Assignment Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words

Article question - Assignment Example One of the major disadvantages of structured programming is redundancy of code. Since the program code is divided into modules therefore, there is a high possibility that the same code can be repeated in different modules. The perceived preference of object oriented languages over the more structural programming languages in industry today is due to some chief attributes of the object oriented programming paradigm. These attributes are encapsulation, information hiding and inheritance. These characteristics make programming easier in this paradigm. The object oriented programming model better reflects the human way of thinking and conceptualizing. The reason is that several objects are made while coding a program. For instance, a class is made on â€Å"person†. Then from this class different objects can be made like student, teacher, employee etc. this is similar to the thinking of mankind. 1. Information Hiding: Through information hiding dependencies among modules is reduced. It means that if in a home two children are given separate rooms and they are restricted to enter in the other’s room then each of them are only concerned with their own room and they don’t know the things of the other. 2. Encapsulation: It is communication between different things. For example if a person goes to a restaurant and orders rice to waiter. Then there is no communication between the person and cooker but through rice they are linked to each other. 3. Inheritance: The technique of â€Å"inheritance† is analogous to the inheritance of biological traits from parent to child in that certain characteristics and physical structures carry from one generation to the next. 4. Polymorphism: It means implementation of same thing in different ways. For example a kid asks his mother for meal. One way to is that mother serves the meal on the table while the other way is

Impact of Capitalism on Global Development

Impact of Capitalism on Global Development Is geographically uneven development an inevitable outcome of capitalism? Harris (2006, p. 2) claims that in ‘examining the general character of the process of capitalist development as it has appeared historically across many different countries over a long period of time, one of its most striking characteristics is the phenomenon of uneven development.’ However we choose to define the terms ‘development’ and ‘capitalism’, it is undeniable that in recent centuries capitalism – of one kind or another – has been the dominant economic and social system throughout the world and the development has been geographically uneven – whether considered at the local, national, regional or global level. Whether the former is the cause of the latter is open to debate. Further, whether the former must necessarily cause the other, as suggested by the title question, is even less clear. This essay will first provide definitions and explanations of development and capitalism. Next it will consider the argument â₠¬â€œ most famously put forward by David Harvey, but also expounded by many others – that capitalism inevitably leads to geographically uneven development. Development can and has been defined in many different ways. Until the 1970s it was generally accepted that increasing GNP per capita was the primary – even the exclusive – objective of development. Thus development was measured exclusively in terms of GNP per capita. Since 1970, however, many criticisms have been levelled against the use of GNP as a measure of societal well-being, and various other objectives of development have been suggested to replace it. The criticisms encompass both the theoretical and the empirical, but broadly speaking they arise from the fact that use of GNP per capita as a measure of development treats economic growth as synonymous with development whereas in fact development must incorporate the enabling of individuals to achieve basic aims such as to live long, to be well-nourished, to be healthy and to be literate (Sen, 1999). Furthermore, since development was viewed in terms with GNP per capita, it was concerned with the average or aggreg ate income, rather than with the incomes of the poorest. As Arndt (1983, p. 1) explains, ‘ disappointment was increasingly widely expressed that, after two decades of unprecedentedly high rates of economic growth in most of the Third World, hundreds of millions remained in abject poverty and in many countries income distribution appeared to have worsened.’ Arndt goes on to argue that at this time, a myth emerged that something called ‘trickle-down theory’ had existed in the 1950s and 1960s, but that no development economist ever actually subscribed to any such theory. This alleged theory posits that the benefits of the accumulation of capital by the elites would ‘trickle-down’ to the masses through the creation of jobs and other economic opportunities. Whether trickle-down theory was originally part and parcel of the view of development as increasing GNP per capita, or whether it was appended to such a notion of development ex-post, it is certa inly clear that the benefits of economic growth did not trickle down to the masses. On the contrary, in fact, the world has witnessed increasing inequality. It is this inequality – or unevenness of development – with which we are most concerned in this essay. As Harvey (2005, p. 55) describes it, a ‘convergence in well-being has not occurred and geographical as well as social inequalities within the capitalist world appear to have increased in recent decades. The promised outcome of poverty reduction from freer trade, open markets and â€Å"neo-liberal† strategies of globalization has not materialized. Environmental degradations and social dislocations have also been unevenly distributed.’ Capitalism refers to an economic and social system in which the means of production are mainly privately-owned and operated for profit. It is defined by Bernstein (2002, p. 242) as ‘(a) Production of goods and services for market exchange (commodities), to make profits; (b) founded on a definitive social (class) relation between owners of capital and owners of labour power; (c) to which other social relations and divisions are linked, e.g. those of gender, urban/rural differences, nationality.’ The private owners of capital determine investment, distribution, income, production and pricing according to their own self-interest. Within these parameters, however, there are various forms of capitalism. Historically, it can be said that capitalism has gone through various stages: from merchant capitalism, through industrial capitalism; finance capitalism and monopoly capitalism to state capitalism. Further, in any stage of capitalism, any given economy can be more or less pur ely capitalist. In the world today, for example, every economy is in reality a mixed economy with elements of capitalism and elements of regulation and planning – it is the balance between free market policies and private ownership vs. regulation and public ownership that determines the extent to which an economy can be said to be capitalist or otherwise. According to Marxist accounts of capitalism, capital is created through buying commodities in order to create new commodities with an exchange value – as distinct from the use value – higher than the cost of the original commodities. Most importantly, under capitalism, labour had become a commodity itself and surplus labour is extracted by the capitalist who gains greater value from the labour (through the sale-value of the produced commodities) than the exchange value of the labour (i.e. the wage that the capitalist pays). For Marx, it was this cycle of extracting surplus labour that forms the basis of the cla ss-struggle. Harvey (see, for example, 1982, 1985, 2005, 2006) has provided what is arguably the most significant contribution to the discourse on capitalism as inevitably resulting in geographically uneven development. Harvey points to the geographic contradiction between the fixity and mobility of capital as central to understanding geographically uneven development. In order to produce value, capitalists invest in infrastructure – a form of capital with a long life and fixed location. Over its long life, this capital facilitates the production of commodities which are sold to recoup the original cost of the infrastructure and to make a profit. Meanwhile, social infrastructures are built up as the local labour force develops skills specific to the production of these commodities, relations develop between the capitalist and local suppliers, clients, politicians and banks, and knowledge is gained of local industrial processes. However, the value – or profit – produced is not spatially restricted in this way and can circulate to be invested in labour power and means of production elsewhere. Thus it may be invested in competing businesses or in different sectors of the economy. Cheaper labour and other means of production are sought and tapped in other locations within the country, in other countries in the same region, or beyond. As a result firms in a particular locality may close or reduce their level of output thus reducing employment and/or wages in the area. In turn, state agencies will receive less income through taxation, and local businesses such as those in the retail sector will suffer as the local population has less income. Home-owners may default on their mortgage payments and lenders will be forced to sell the properties at lower prices as the economy declines. Yet these state agencies, shops and shopping centres, and houses are spatially fixed – they cannot be moved elsewhere to where they could produce more value. Also, while firm s have the option to move to locations where profitability would be higher, they are also likely to have become somewhat embedded in the local area (as a result of relationships built up with customers, suppliers, employees, state officials and banks) and they have to assess the benefits of moving against the cost of building all of these relationships from scratch in a new location. The end result is the attempt (by the different stakeholders – individually or collectively) to defend exchange values in any given place to guarantee future streams of profits, wages, rents and tax revenues. Since local capitalists and local labour classes both have a vested interest in the continued existence of local industry, territorial cross-class allegiances are formed, and geographically uneven development ensues. While it is important not to conflate globalisation with capitalism since globalisation refers to a much broader process of increasing interdependence that goes far beyond the economic, Coe Yeung (2001, pp. 370-371) provide interesting input to the debate on uneven development with a consideration of globalisation, arguing that ‘one needs not be a Marxist to appreciate the uneven outcomes of the globalisation processes First, globalisation impacts differently in different sectors and industries even in the same country and/or region. While global restructuring tends to favour high tech industries, it has serious repercussions for such labour-intensive industries as textiles and clothing†¦ Second, global restructuring can produce geographically uneven impact on producers and/or countries specialising in different stages of the same production chain.’ This ties in with the explanation of how the expansion of capitalism produces new forms of unevenness, and the stagna tion of certain localities. According to Walker (1978, p. 34), for example, as capitalism expands it develops new distinctions of space thus creating a spatial mosaic of development in which none of the parts are truly independent or particularly susceptible to regional development programmes. Additionally, the expansion of capitalism intensifies its penetration of space thus increasing its mobility giving capital a strategic advantage over labour. As a result, local development becomes increasingly reliant on external capital. ‘Thus, although there is a certain evening up of development as the capitalist core expands, uneven development of a new kind necessarily emerges within what can be considered a fully developed capitalist space. This kind of unevenness is implicit in the use-value nature of capital’s relation to space, in fragmenting tendencies of the capitalist division of labor and its class hierarchy, and in the tendency of capital constantly to reduce the tim e of circulation.’ Agnew’s (2001, p. 6) perspective also demonstrates how globalization has accentuated the uneven development that results from capitalism, arguing that in this context, for example, the ‘need for rapid access to information has privileged those ‘world cities’ that have good connectivity to other places. The local availability of entrepreneurship, venture capital, technical know-how, and design capabilities differentiate ‘attractive’ from ‘unattractive’ sites for investment. At the same time, [niche] markets associated with different social groups increasingly cross national boundaries, giving rise to cross-national markets that can be served by factories located in any one of them or, for labor-intensive goods, produced wherever labor costs are lower.’ What, then, of the role of the state in today’s mixed economies? As Brenner (1998, p. 11) has pointed out, in the past century, it has been the state – and not private capital – that has planned, produced and regulated large-scale infrastructure projects (including transport infrastructure, public transport systems, utilities, energy, subsidised public housing and education systems, communications systems) to direct the ways in which labour power and capital reproduce. This highlights the fact that a purely capitalist system does not exist in any country in the world. As Harvey (1982, p. 404) explains, the state control of large-scale infrastructure enables it to direct infrastructural development differentially as the ‘territorial organisation of the state becomes the geographical configuration within which the dynamics of [infrastructural] investment is worked out.’ Thus the territorial organization of the state could in theory at least be used to channel infrastructure development in such a way as to produce geographically even – or at least more even – development. Yet Brenner (1998, p. 12) argues that in fact the state direction in practice leads to ‘new forms of uneven geographic development’ and that in so doing it produces an equilibrium. Walker (1978, p. 30) claims that geographically uneven development is indeed inevitable in advanced capitalist economies, claiming that no ‘critical observer would imagine that there is something less than systematic in the nature of capitalism producing the inevitable juxtapositions of poverty and wealth, growth and stagnation, and diverse functions in the capitalist city.’ Like Harvey, Walker claims that uneven development occurs as a result of spatial differentiation and capital mobility, two components of any capitalist system. According to Walker, (1978, p. 30), uneven development is the corollary of uneven spatial location of use-values, a nd the spatial organization of use-values is not random but is ‘a systematic product of capitalist development, varying only in form and in degree among advanced capitalist nations.’ Both Harvey and Walker provide a convincing argument for the inevitability of geographically uneven development in a capitalist system thus painting a bleak picture for development and effectively invalidating any claims of regional development programmes or any other policies aimed an evening out development. However, this last point by Walker does offer some scope for optimism. If uneven development in advanced capitalist nations varies in form and, more importantly, degree then the intuitive conclusion would be that it could vary so far that the degree of unevenness reaches zero and thus development is even. Even if in practice development can never be perfectly even, the variance in degree suggests that policies can be implemented to make development more even, if not totally even. In order to devise such policies, it is necessary to understand what aspects of certain capitalists systems have enabled them to produce more even development than others. According to Perrons (2000, p . 24), it is possible to direct policies against uneven development and to do so requires a holistic approach to social theory that explores the differences of experience in different national contexts and at different spatial scales: ‘the nature and pace of change differs between nation states and between different organizations depending on the legislative framework and social and cultural norms leading to different regional and local outcomes. Recognising and understanding these different experiences within capitalism provides a foundation for mapping alternative futures.’ If geographically uneven development is an inevitable outcome of capitalism, then we cannot hope to even out development within a capitalist world system. Short of radical calls for an overthrow of the existing system of economic and social organisation, then, policies directed at evening out development could only ever meet with partial success. However, given the importance of the state in defining and directing spaces of development, and given that every economy in the world today is a mixed economy, it must be conceivable (in theory at least) that the state could provide definition and direction in such a way as to promote even development. In order to do so, however, it is necessary to understand just what it is that causes uneven development. From the analysis above it is clear that uneven development is indeed a characteristic of capitalism; indeed it seems to be one that is inevitable. However the form and extent of that unevenness vary from place to place. Thus a better unde rstanding of exactly what determines the form and extent is necessary to reduce the extent and produced the most desirable (in other words, the least bad) form of uneven development. Bibliography Agnew, J. (2001). The New Global Economy: Time-Space Compression, Geopolitics and Global Uneven Development. Los Angeles: Center for Globalization and Policy Research, UCLA. Arndt, H. W. (1983). The Trickle-Down Myth. Economic Development and Cultural Change , 32 (1), 1-10. Bernstein, H. (2002). Colonialism, Capitalism, Development. In T. Allen, A. Thomas, Poverty and Development in the 21st Century (pp. 241-270). Oxford: Oxford University Press. Brenner, N. (1998, January 7). Between fixity and motion: accumulation, territorial organization and the historical geography of spatial scales. Chicago. Coe, N. M., Yeung, H. W.-c. (2001). Geographical perspectives on mapping globalisation. Journal of Economic Geography , 367-380. Harris, D. J. (2006). Uneven Development. Stanford University, Economics. Harvey D. (1982) The Limits to Capital, Chicago: University of Chicago Press Harvey D. (1985) The geopolitics of capitalism, in D Gregory, J Urry (eds.) Social Relations and Spatial Structures, London: Macmillan, pp 128- 163 Harvey, D. (2005). Spaces of Neoliberalization: Towards a Theory of Uneven Geographical Development . Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag. Harvey, D. (2006). Spaces of Global Capitalism: Towards a Theory of Uneven Geographical Development . London: Verso Books. Perrons, D. (2000). The New Economy and Uneven Geographical Development: Towards a More Holistic Framework for Economic Geography. Economic Geography Research Group. Sen, A. (1999). Development as Freedom. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Walker, R. (1978). Two Sources of Uneven Development Under Advanced Capitalism: Spatial Differentiation and Capital Mobility. Review of Radical Political Economics , 28-38.

The Apathetic Generation :: Argumentative Persuasive Argument Essays

The Apathetic Generation The â€Å"Greatest Generation,† the generation of our grandparents, was the generation that beat the enemy down in the European and Pacific theater with pure determination and will. That generation showed past and future generations what it meant to be a strong, steadfast, and hardworking nation with determination. During this election, rumors of a draft, a draft to help fray some of the casualties that we have been encoring while fighting the War on Terror, have circulated. The re-staffing of draft boards and the introduction of a draft reinstatement bills by Rep. Charles Rangel (D-NY) can be looked upon as a catalyst to these rumblings. Young adults across the nation have been in chat rooms talking about how this war is another Vietnam and how there is no way they will be drafted. This is such a touchy subject that President Bush said during the debate that the U.S. Armed Forces will stay an all-volunteer force. Our grandparents’ generation would never have said how they wouldn’t go to war if the government asked them. You may say that was a different time. But both WWII and this war began with attacks on our soil. If the draft is reinstated, would that be the worst thing to happen to this country? I admit it would be a devastating blow to us in regards to morale, but it would not be the worst thing to happen . Our generation is a generation of softies. We have no idea what it means to sacrifice things like metal, iron, pantyhose, and even butter for the greater good of a national cause. Our generation has a bigger fight than the â€Å"Greatest Generation.† We are fighting a war with an ideology, not a government. We are fighting a group of people who hate us because of our love for freedom. If a draft is part of the American fabric, we should be leery of it. But at the same time, if we don’t have the men to fight this war, we will lose our way of life, a way of life that may never be regained. This period of history is the most uncertain in modern times. We may disagree with the politics of the day, but if you take the politics away you still have a war that needs to be won. Won with the characteristics of the â€Å"Greatest Generation† that have been lost within the era of computers and self indulgence.

Critical Analysis of Sir Philip Sidney’s Defense of Poesy

The Defence of Poesy by Philip Sidney published in 1595 is â€Å" a long essay that comes as an answer to Stephan Gosson's work â€Å"The School of Abuse†, where he, in his puritan and strict way of thinking, attacks the poet and his poetry† (Wharton 56). Gosson primarily points out that fiction and literature corrupt the public's sense of morality since it opens the public's mind with different realities. It gives the public ideas towards consumerism as literature and fiction becomes a way of money making. It heightens human desire for material growth and development that is most of the time destructive. Gosson is afraid that people will prioritize tangible development than the traditional sense of morality. Philip Sidney though in this work of literature â€Å"The Defence of Poecy† opposes Gosson's objections towards poetry or Gosson's puritan attack on imaginative literature. He primarily stated that poetry has an indispensable place in the society as it is a reflection of history, ethics and philosophy. Poetry that contains these complementing elements has an ethical function to the readers. Poetry by which he meant imaginative or creative writing has an ethical value which aims to appeal human beings to â€Å"see the form of goodness, which seen they cannot but love ere themselves be aware, as if they took a medicine of cherries† (Macaulay 11) Poetry which is the best faculty of invention for Sidney has a high purpose for moral education that challenges the minds of the readers. In this literature, Sidney gave good arguments. Unlike science and technology, poetry is a unique human art that is not completely dependent upon nature as the major subject. Instead, poetry makes complementing combinations. Poets create out of their creative imagination, rationality, logic, observation, experiences, acquired knowledge from history and philosophies. The writer creatively combine any of these to create literature. Similarly, poet â€Å"lifted up with the vigor of his own invention, doth grow in effect another nature, in making things either better than nature bringeth forth, or quite anew, forms such as never were in nature, as the Heroes, Demigods, Cyclops, Chimeras, Furies, and such like† (Macaulay 12). Meanwhile poetry when it is factual will benefit the fallen and corrupt world. The poetry's content will illustrates something about reality, how these reality benefited the human beings and the writer's perspective towards this particular reality. Poetry then is very useful to challenge the mind of the readers and also think like the poet itself as it introduces them into a world of ideas. Meanwhile poetry is also an art that reflects perfection, beauty and moral idealism. He says poetry â€Å" worketh, not only to make a Cyrus which has been a particular excellency as nature might have done, but to bestow a Cyrus upon the world to make many Cyruses, if they will learn aright why and how that maker made him† (Macaulay 13). He believes that this kind of fiction can actually influence the real world in socially positive ways. Members of the society with this kind of literature might be encourage to live a beautiful and ideal life. It will give them idea that this kind of life is possible. Therefore, poets through their works give the readers mental pictures towards the possibility of having a more ideal world, provide possible solutions and create ideal persons as models to follow in real life. Poetry challenges the mind, the physical senses, the fantasy and the judgment of the readers. Through poetry, people are also encourage to create to make things beautiful just like what they read in literature. Sidney also stresses that the poet â€Å"goeth hand in hand with nature, not enclosed within the narrow warrant of her gifts, but freely ranging within the zodiac of his own wit† (Macaulay 11). Sidney apparently acknowledges that a poet uses all the his resources to create an art and in some sense a liar because they sometimes make things up. But every poetry entertains, delights and teaches the readers with a specific educational purpose. There is nothing as â€Å"art's for arts sake† because whatever the poet's purpose or intention in creating, words that create images– whether good or bad– a poet moves the readers to be better than they are. The mental images establishes passion and desire and knowing your individual passion and desire will lead to self discovery and encourages journey for awareness. Apparently Sidney present poetry in its affirmative light illustrating its positive effects to the readers.

Living the Dream of a Juvenile Probation Officer Essay

I have always wanted to make an impact on a youth that completely changed them forever; to help change if not a family’s life, but a youth’s life for the better. A juvenile probation officer helps to steer youths in the right direction and keep them out of trouble. The job of a Juvenile Probation Officer contains many types of jobs and responsibilities that are necessary in the role of deterring many youths from a life of crime. The job requires patience and understanding, while providing supervision and counseling to the youths and their families to create a rehabilitation plan to get back on track. Juvenile probation officers play an important role in our communities since they are the last line of defense and intervention before a youth is placed into a correctional facility. Becoming a juvenile probation officer begins with enjoying to work with youth and find the work rewarding. It is a good idea to first do some volunteer work with organizations such as Big Brothe rs, Big Sisters or Boys and Girls Club to determine if counseling and rehabilitation of young adults is something effective and enjoyable. In order to meet basic qualifications for most juvenile probation officer jobs it is needed to complete a bachelor’s degree in criminal justice, corrections, social work, psychology, or related. Together with a strong educational background and some work experience, the necessary skills will be provided to begin applying for positions. Most probation jobs will require a background check, drug testing, and psychological examination. Juvenile probation officers monitor offenders’ behavior through personal contact, not just with the offender but the offender’s family and school as well. Many probation officers also have to work in the courts. The number of cases a probation officer is responsible for depends on the counseling needs and the threat the offenders pose to the society. Being a probation officer can be very stressful, dealing with clients their families and friends who may be angry, upset and uncooperative. Stress does makes this job and any job more diff icult, but at the end of the day it is very rewarding to know someone made a better life decision. Many probation officers build a bond with their clients and families; it becomes more personal getting to know the clients, while the whole goal is helping the client become a productive citizen. Ever since I can remember my goal has been to get my Bachelor’s Degree in Criminal Justice. I have enjoyed working with the youth and young  adults; a troubled teen deserves a second chance to turn their lives around. Becoming a juvenile probation officer will allow me to work with troubled youth, helping them get back on the right track and becoming more focused on getting an education and becoming extremely successful later on in life; making sure they can stay out of trouble long enough to accomplish these goals . The job growth is also expected to occur in other areas of the criminal justice field, including police work and the private detective field. Many of these job openings will be in government agencies, to provide good benefits and job stability. When choosing a career in criminal justice, it’s opening the door to many other career possibilities down the road. Once you gain experience working in corrections or law enforcement, if wanting to change careers, it’s likely to find that opportunity for a person with experience. Prisons and other correctional facilities won’t be going away anytime soon. As of 2011, the (Bureau of Labor Statistics) â€Å"reported that job growth for prison employees and probation officers will be higher than average until at least 2018.† Overcrowding in prisons has forced judges and prosecutors to search for alternatives punishment, such as electronic monitoring, and day reporting centers. Not only is probation avoiding housing clients in overcrowded prisons, probation is far less expensive, saving tax payers’ dollars. (Bureau of Labor Statistics,) Probation officers must be in respectable physical condition and emotionally stable. Most places require being at least 21 years of age and not over 37; also must not have any previous or pending felony charges. Another skill required is having strong writing skills, because of the large number of reports to write on a daily basis to be familiar with computers is often required. To be eligible for a job as probation officer also have be knowledgeable about the laws and regulations pertaining to corrections in your state. Education and training vary from state to state. A bachelor’s degree in social work and or criminal justice is usually required. Some states require having one year of work experience or one year graduate study in criminal justice, social work, or psychology. Most probation officers must go through some type of training program and work as a trainee for about six months. Candidates who successfully meet these requirements and complete the training period obtain a permanent position. Some but not all states require you to take a certification test during or after training. Also applicants  are usually made to pass a number of tests from oral, written, psychological and physical. Probation officers are very dedicated to what they do. The job is very demanding, not only do they have their normal everyday appointments, but to receive several phone calls an hour, clients that stop in the office needing to speak immediately. Probation officers are strong willed, dedicated, they know their own strengths and weaknesses those qualities makes them able to help others in need. A career as a Juvenile Probation officer can be extremely rewarding, and challenging. Although the position requires a vast variety of skills, the satisfaction of helping a troubled teen makes the challenge worth it. Annotated Bibliography Alpert D. Andrew Internet http://www.bls.gov/opub/ooq/2001/fall/art05.pdf Probation officers who, in some states may be referred to as community supervision officers. Monitor offender’s behavior through personal contact with the offenders and their families. Officers also may arrange for offenders to get substance abuse rehabilitation or job training. Correctional treatment specialist, also known as case managers or drug treatment specialists, assess inmate’s rehabilitative development. They work with inmates, probation officers, and agencies to develop plans for parole and release providing case reports. They also write treatment plans and summarizes for each client. Probation officers and correctional treatment specialists work similar ways with people convicted of crimes. In addition, they arrange for offenders attendance at education and job training programs and counsel offenders. The different ways of counsel are either individually or in groups, regarding issues such as coping skills, anger management and drug and sexual abuse. Probati on officers in some states may be referred to as community supervision officers, minor offender’s behavior through personal contact with families. Bryant Linda These are some of the steps she gave me to pursue being a juvenile probation officer. Have at least a 4-year college degree at an accredited university,  pass a background check that is free of any felony convictions, must pass a drug screen test, You must pass the polygraph test; also I would need to go through an Oral Board Interview. Officers are involved in community, such as religious institutions and neighborhood groups. Probation officers usually work a standard of forty hour weeks but they may be required to work longer or be on call hours a day to supervise and assist offenders. Probation officers may find the job stressful for a variety of reasons. They work with convicted criminals, some that can be very dangerous. Supervising offenders and officers usually interact with many other individuals, including family members and friends of their clients who may be angry or upset. Fieldwork assignments in high crime areas may require that probation officers carry a firearm or o ther weapon for protection. The job outlook for these occupations depends on the amount of government funding that is given to the corrections. Bureau of Labor Statistics, U.S. Department of Labor, Occupational Outlook Handbook, 2012-13 Edition, Probation Officers and Correctional Treatment Specialists, on the Internet at http://www.bls.gov/ooh/community-and-social-service/probation-officers-and-correctional-treatment-specialists.htm (visited April 30, 2013) Many people who are convicted of crimes are placed on probation, instead of being sent to prison. People who have served time in prison are often released on parole. During probation and parole while they are in prison, offenders must stay out of trouble and meet other requirements. Probation officers and correctional treatment specialist’s work with and monitor offenders to prevent them from committing new crimes. They work with criminal offenders, some of whom may be dangerous. Probation officers, who are called community supervision officers in some states, supervise people who have been placed on probation. They work to ensure that the offender is not a danger to the community and to help in their rehabilitation. Probation officers write reports that detail each offender’s treatment plans and their progress since they were put on probation. Most probation officers work with either adults or juveniles. Only in small, mostly rural, jurisdictions do probation officers counsel both adults and juveniles. Pretrial services  officers investigate an offender’s background to determine if that offender can be safely allowed back into the community before his or her trial date. They must assess the risk and make a recommendation to a judge who decides on the appropriate sentencing or bond amount. When offenders are allowed back into the community, pretrial officers supervise them to make sure that they stay with the terms of their release and appear at their trials. 1999 National Occupational Employment and Wage Estimates 21-1092 Probation Officers and Correctional Treatment Specialists http://www.bls.gov/oes/1999/oes211092.htm Social services to assist in rehabilitation of law offenders in custody or on probation or parole. Make recommendations for actions involving formulation of rehabilitation plan and treatment of offender, including conditional release and education and employment stipulations. As guidelines are reduced or repealed, judges have more flexibility in sentencing offenders for each case. For offenders who are deemed to be a lower risk, this may result in less prison time, more community-based corrections, or some combination of the two. Employment growth depends primarily on the amount of government funding for corrections, especially how much there is for probation and parole systems. Although community supervision is far less expensive than keeping offenders in prison, a change in political and social trends toward more imprisonment and away from community supervision could result in reduced employment opportunities. In addition to openings resulting from growth, many openings will be created by the need to replace large numbers of these workers expected to retire in the coming years. This occupation is not attractive to some potential entrants because of relatively low earnings, heavy workloads, and high stress. For these reasons, job opportunities should be excellent for those who qualify.